A CERTERA PROPOSAL: implementation of an oil-for-food program in Venezuela.
By Diego Arria
Imposing sanctions on a country as the U.N. Security Council, or unilaterally as those of the United States on Iran and Russia, is a difficult process that does not always guarantee the objectives pursued. This is what happened in the case of Iraq after the first Gulf War, when an oil fund had to be created to ensure that its revenues were invested by the regime of Saddam Hussein in food, medicines, medical equipment, etc. I learned about the shortcomings of the process when I was in the U.N. Security Council.
Diego Arria: una sanción inteligente en la batalla por Venezuela
El ex embajador de Venezuela ante las Naciones Unidas, Diego Arria, aboga por poner fin a parte de la devastación causada por el régimen de Maduro a una población hambrienta, enferma y moribunda a través de la aplicación de un programa de petróleo por alimentos en Venezuela.
Diego Arria: A Smart Sanction in the Battle for Venezuela
Venezuela's former Ambassador to the United Nations Diego Arria argues for ending some of the devastation caused by the Maduro Regime on a starving, ill and dying population through enforcing an oil-for-food program on Venezuela.
Imposing sanctions on a country as the U.N. Security Council, or unilaterally as those of the United States on Iran and Russia, is a difficult process that does not always guarantee the objectives pursued. This is what happened in the case of Iraq after the first Gulf War, when an oil fund had to be created to ensure that its revenues were invested by the regime of Saddam Hussein in food, medicines, medical equipment, etc. I learned about the shortcomings of the process when I was in the U.N. Security Council.
Imponer sanciones a un país como el Consejo de Seguridad de EE.UU., o unilateralmente como las de los Estados Unidos en Irán y Rusia, es un proceso difícil que no siempre garantiza los objetivos perseguidos. Esto es lo que sucedió en el caso de Irak después de la primera Guerra del Golfo, cuando se tuvo que crear un fondo petrolero para asegurar que sus ingresos fueran invertidos por el régimen de Saddam Hussein en alimentos, medicinas, equipos médicos, etc. Carencias del proceso cuando estaba en el Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU.
The argument to the contrary is that economic sanctions do not distinguish between the innocent and the guilty, and that the latter who control the finances of the regime do not suffer the same as the rest of the country. This reasonable argument, among others, is put forward by Moisés Naím, one of the most prestigious political analysts, of whom I am fortunate to count among my dearest friends. He does it in his column in the Madrid-based newspaper El País with a headline of fine irony: "This is how Trump could save Maduro."
El argumento contrario es que las sanciones económicas no distinguen entre inocentes y culpables, y que estos últimos que controlan las finanzas del régimen no sufren lo mismo que el resto del país. Este argumento razonable, entre otros, es presentado por Moisés Naím, uno de los analistas políticos más prestigiosos, de quien tengo la fortuna de contar entre mis amigos más queridos. Lo hace en su columna del diario El País, con sede en Madrid, con un titular de buena ironía: "Así es como Trump podría salvar a Maduro".
Naím argues that President Trump would be considering to impose an oil embargo on Venezuela, which in his opinion would not only be a bad idea but also "a wonderful and timely political lifesaver for Maduro to present Trump as the one responsible for the hunger of Venezuelans." And he concludes: "Don't do it, President Trump!"
I feel interested in this topic because his opinion carries weight and since our country is fighting a real battle today everything that can weaken us or give us strength should be taken into consideration. For this reason I believe it essential to quote the speech of Luis Almagro, the Secretary General of the OAS, on July 19 before a United States Senate committee when Senator Marco Rubio asked for his opinion regarding the consequences for the Venezuelan people if economic sanctions are imposed on the nation.
I feel interested in this topic because his opinion carries weight and since our country is fighting a real battle today everything that can weaken us or give us strength should be taken into consideration. For this reason I believe it essential to quote the speech of Luis Almagro, the Secretary General of the OAS, on July 19 before a United States Senate committee when Senator Marco Rubio asked for his opinion regarding the consequences for the Venezuelan people if economic sanctions are imposed on the nation.
Naím argumenta que el presidente Trump estaría considerando imponer un embargo petrolero a Venezuela, lo que en su opinión no solo sería una mala idea, sino también "una salvación política maravillosa y oportuna para que Maduro presente a Trump como el responsable del hambre de los venezolanos " Y concluye: "¡No lo hagas, Presidente Trump!"
Me siento interesado en este tema porque su opinión tiene peso y como nuestro país está luchando en una verdadera batalla, todo lo que pueda debilitarnos o fortalecernos debe tomarse en consideración. Por esta razón, creo que es esencial citar el discurso de Luis Almagro, el Secretario General de la OEA, el 19 de julio ante un comité del Senado de los Estados Unidos cuando el senador Marco Rubio pidió su opinión sobre las consecuencias para el pueblo venezolano si las sanciones económicas son Impuesto a la nación.
This was the response of Almagro: "I'm asked frequently about this topic and I want to be very clear in affirming that the potential sanctions would not worsen the present suffering of Venezuelans, because the resources that belong to the people are being used by the regime to kill and torture them, and are not invested in their well-being as evidenced by the tragic statistics of infant mortality and malnutrition that already exceed those of Syria."
Esta fue la respuesta de Almagro: "Me preguntan con frecuencia sobre este tema y quiero ser muy claro al afirmar que las posibles sanciones no empeorarían el sufrimiento actual de los venezolanos, porque los recursos que pertenecen a las personas están siendo utilizados por el régimen para matarlos y torturarlos, y no se invierten en su bienestar como lo demuestran las trágicas estadísticas de mortalidad infantil y malnutrición que ya superan a las de Siria ".
The Secretary General has learned that Venezuela, kidnapped by a narco-military tyranny, is waging a battle that requires that all measures to allow the urgent rescue of its freedom and rights are taken, so there is nothing in his statement suggesting that the application of sanctions would strengthen the regime of Maduro, or that these would exacerbate the humanitarian crisis there, but on the contrary he underscored: "Regarding this particular issue, it is fundamental to send out a clear message to Maduro."
El Secretario General se enteró de que Venezuela, secuestrada por una tiranía narcoterrorista, está librando una batalla que requiere que se tomen todas las medidas para permitir el rescate urgente de su libertad y derechos, por lo que no hay nada en su declaración que sugiera que la aplicación de las sanciones fortalecerían el régimen de Maduro o que exacerbarían la crisis humanitaria allí, pero al contrario subrayó: "En relación con este tema en particular, es fundamental enviar un mensaje claro a Maduro".
The only foreign exchange revenue that Venezuela generates today is from the sale of approximately 700,000 barrels of oil per day to the U.S., yet the regime of Maduro has been accusing the U.S. of waging an economic war on his government for years. This is certainly an absurd argument because in any case it could be speculated that private oil companies would be forced not to buy from the most dangerous enemy it has across the continent today. In order to be consistent, the narco-military tyranny should not sell to U.S.-based oil companies in any case
El único ingreso de divisas que Venezuela genera hoy es la venta de aproximadamente 700,000 barriles de petróleo por día a los Estados Unidos, sin embargo, el régimen de Maduro ha estado acusando a los Estados Unidos de librar una guerra económica contra su gobierno durante años. Este es ciertamente un argumento absurdo porque, en cualquier caso, se podría especular que las compañías petroleras privadas se verían obligadas a no comprar al enemigo más peligroso que tiene en todo el continente en la actualidad. Para ser coherente, la tiranía narcoterrorista no debería vender a compañías petroleras estadounidenses en ningún caso
In conclusion, imposing sanctions is always debatable especially in the theoretical field, but Venezuela is a real case where scarce resources are today under the control of the armed forces who with extraordinary rapacity buy medicines and food at four or five times the real price of these inputs, and that in addition take advantage of them to blackmail the people playing with the desperation of their misery.
The line followed until now to confiscate the goods of Venezuelan rulers, advanced by the Obama administration, proved that has its limits. Those indicted have gained strength at political level for not having options, and today they control the hardline wing of the regime. No matter how many more names are added on the lists from the Department of the Treasury, it doesn't seem that anything radically different from what has already been seen happens.
The line followed until now to confiscate the goods of Venezuelan rulers, advanced by the Obama administration, proved that has its limits. Those indicted have gained strength at political level for not having options, and today they control the hardline wing of the regime. No matter how many more names are added on the lists from the Department of the Treasury, it doesn't seem that anything radically different from what has already been seen happens.
En conclusión, la imposición de sanciones siempre es discutible especialmente en el campo teórico, pero Venezuela es un caso real donde los recursos escasos están hoy bajo el control de las fuerzas armadas que con extraordinaria rapacidad compran medicamentos y alimentos a cuatro o cinco veces el precio real de estos insumos, y que además los aproveche para chantajear a la gente que juega con la desesperación de su miseria.
La línea seguida hasta ahora para confiscar los bienes de los gobernantes venezolanos, adelantada por el gobierno de Obama, demostró que tiene sus límites. Los acusados han ganado fuerza a nivel político por no tener opciones, y hoy controlan el ala dura del régimen. No importa cuántos nombres más se agreguen en las listas del Departamento del Tesoro, no parece que ocurra algo radicalmente diferente de lo que ya se ha visto.
This reality explains why the consensus of the experts from the North leans towards taking measures on the flow of funds generated by oil exports to the U.S as a last resort.
What is my suggestion? That U.S. companies don't stop buying our oil, but instead of paying for it in foreign currency, they should do it in the form of barter transactions that include food, medicines and medical equipment bought in the market at real prices. This way the revenue generated from the sales of our oil will not continue to be used the way Secretary General Almagro has described.
And I am not making anything up, because there is a precedent in the chavista ideology on the barter subject as published in a report in the issue of September 23, 2008, of El País entitled "Chávez resurrects barter: this is done by the Revolutionary Government and President Chávez through the so-called mega barter, that is to say, supplying our brother countries with oil in exchange for machinery to strengthen food sovereignty." Previously in the Página12 daily newspaper based in Buenos Aires, Argentina, on March 7, 2008: " An exchange of energies said Hugo Chávez. “We will give all the energy that Argentina needs for the 21st century, and Argentina will export food to Venezuela."
What is my suggestion? That U.S. companies don't stop buying our oil, but instead of paying for it in foreign currency, they should do it in the form of barter transactions that include food, medicines and medical equipment bought in the market at real prices. This way the revenue generated from the sales of our oil will not continue to be used the way Secretary General Almagro has described.
And I am not making anything up, because there is a precedent in the chavista ideology on the barter subject as published in a report in the issue of September 23, 2008, of El País entitled "Chávez resurrects barter: this is done by the Revolutionary Government and President Chávez through the so-called mega barter, that is to say, supplying our brother countries with oil in exchange for machinery to strengthen food sovereignty." Previously in the Página12 daily newspaper based in Buenos Aires, Argentina, on March 7, 2008: " An exchange of energies said Hugo Chávez. “We will give all the energy that Argentina needs for the 21st century, and Argentina will export food to Venezuela."
Esta realidad explica por qué el consenso de los expertos del Norte se inclina hacia tomar medidas sobre el flujo de fondos generados por las exportaciones de petróleo a los Estados Unidos como último recurso.
¿Cuál es mi sugerencia? Las empresas de EE. UU. No dejan de comprar nuestro petróleo, pero en lugar de pagarlo en moneda extranjera, deben hacerlo en forma de transacciones de trueque que incluyen alimentos, medicinas y equipos médicos comprados en el mercado a precios reales. De esta forma, los ingresos generados por las ventas de nuestro petróleo no seguirán siendo utilizados como lo describió el Secretario General Almagro.
Y no estoy inventando nada, porque hay un precedente en la ideología chavista sobre el tema de trueque tal como se publicó en un informe en el número del 23 de septiembre de 2008 de El País titulado "Chávez resucita el trueque: esto lo hace el revolucionario El gobierno y el presidente Chávez a través del llamado mega trueque, es decir, el suministro de petróleo a nuestros países hermanos a cambio de maquinaria para fortalecer la soberanía alimentaria ". Anteriormente en el periódico diario Página12 con sede en Buenos Aires, Argentina, el 7 de marzo de 2008: "Un intercambio de energías dijo Hugo Chávez". Daremos toda la energía que necesita Argentina para el siglo XXI, y Argentina exportará alimentos a Venezuela "
Other modalities such as the so-called "smart sanctions" are familiar to me. Moisés Naím defined them very well in his El País column on October 17, 2010, entitled: "What is a smart sanction?": "Despite their unpopularity, and obvious flaws, sanctions are an instrument increasingly used in international politics. And this is good news. But how can it be? Because the alternative to the sanctions is War".
The dilemma is cruel. But, at the end of the day, doing nothing not only means to tolerate but also to complacently subsidize the regime. The latter, which is essentially the current situation, is the worst of the options and seems inconceivable for the brave Venezuelans fighting for our freedoms in a civic way.
Diego Arria is the Former Governor of Caracas, Minister of Information and Tourism (1977-1978), former editor of Diario de Caracas (formerly owned by LAHT's predecessor The Daily Journal) and the Former Venezuelan Ambassador to the United Nations (including a stint as President of the U.N. Security Council).
The dilemma is cruel. But, at the end of the day, doing nothing not only means to tolerate but also to complacently subsidize the regime. The latter, which is essentially the current situation, is the worst of the options and seems inconceivable for the brave Venezuelans fighting for our freedoms in a civic way.
Diego Arria is the Former Governor of Caracas, Minister of Information and Tourism (1977-1978), former editor of Diario de Caracas (formerly owned by LAHT's predecessor The Daily Journal) and the Former Venezuelan Ambassador to the United Nations (including a stint as President of the U.N. Security Council).
Otras modalidades como las llamadas "sanciones inteligentes" me resultan familiares. Moisés Naím los definió muy bien en su columna El País el 17 de octubre de 2010, titulada: "¿Qué es una sanción inteligente?": "A pesar de su impopularidad y sus defectos obvios, las sanciones son un instrumento cada vez más utilizado en la política internacional. buenas noticias. Pero ¿cómo puede ser? Porque la alternativa a las sanciones es la guerra ".
El dilema es cruel. Pero, al final del día, no hacer nada no solo significa tolerar sino también subsidiar complacientemente al régimen. Este último, que es esencialmente la situación actual, es la peor de las opciones y parece inconcebible para los valientes venezolanos que luchan por nuestras libertades de una manera cívica.
Diego Arria es el Ex Gobernador de Caracas, Ministro de Información y Turismo (1977-1978), ex editor del Diario de Caracas (anteriormente propiedad del predecesor de LAHT The Daily Journal) y el ex embajador venezolano en las Naciones Unidas (incluyendo una temporada como Presidente del Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU).
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